Jonathan Frederic De Santos

Polytechnic University of the Philippines students walk out of their classes in Manila on Oct. 10, 2025 call for an end to corruption and to urge the government to allocate sufficient funding for education. Jonathan Cellona, ABS-CBN News

Article (news)

Deutsche Welle

<div><span class="fr-img-caption fr-fic fr-dib" style="width:960px"><span class="fr-img-wrap"><img src="https://od2-image-api.abs-cbn.com/prod/editorImage/17605321594671760532156928.jpeg" style="width:960px" class="fr-fic fr-dib"/><span class="fr-inner" style="text-align:left">Polytechnic University of the Philippines students walk out of their classes in Manila on Oct. 10, 2025 call for an end to corruption and to urge the government to allocate sufficient funding for education. Jonathan Cellona, ABS-CBN News</span></span></span></div><p>Over the past two months, Gen Z-led demonstrations have convulsed parts of South and Southeast Asia — from Kathmandu to Jakarta, from Dili to Manila.  </p><p>While Nepalese demonstrations brought down the country&#x27;s government, the most recent youth-led protests across Southeast Asia have been less cataclysmic, although they have forced the authorities to make rare concessions on tackling elite perks and corruption.</p><p>The spark differs by country, but the kindling is the same: Stagnant prospects for young people, widening inequality, and a daily feed of elite privilege on Gen Z&#x27;s phone screens.</p><div><a href="https://www.abs-cbn.com/news/nation/2025/10/10/students-in-10-pup-campuses-walk-out-to-protest-corruption-1822"><strong>Students in 10 PUP campuses walk out to protest corruption<br/></strong></a></div><p>A new World Bank update this month underscores the mood across the continent. One in seven young people in China and Indonesia is unemployed, and much of the region&#x27;s job creation has shifted from factories to lower-paid services, eroding the ladder that once pulled millions into the middle class.</p><p>Strikingly, the &quot;vulnerable-to-poverty&quot; group, in which the young are overrepresented, is now larger than the middle class in most Southeast Asian economies.</p><div><br/></div><div><strong>Youth enraged by wealth inequality</strong></div><p>Phil Robertson, director of Asia Human Rights and Labor Advocates, told DW that it&#x27;s no mystery why so many recent protests are youth-led — flashy social media posts flaunting elite wealth, often seen as the spoils of government corruption, are fueling their anger.</p><p>&quot;The absolute failure of governments across the region to address the yawning gap between the richest and the poorest means there is fertile ground for protests by young people who believe they have nothing to lose by heading out on the streets,&quot; Robertson said. </p><div><br/></div><div><strong>Wave of youth-led protests</strong></div><p>In Nepal, youth protests against a ban on major social media platforms, coupled with long-simmering anger over corruption, escalated dramatically on September 8.</p><p>The movement toppled Prime Minister Khadga Prasad Sharma Oli&#x27;s government, forced the dissolution of parliament, and led to the reversal of the social media ban.</p><p>Soon after, Indonesia saw weeks of deadly unrest, initially triggered by fury over legislators&#x27; generous perks as ordinary people face a cost-of-living crisis. Protests that began in late August spread across the country, and at least ten people were killed and thousands detained by Indonesian authorities.</p><p>Eventually, however, President Prabowo Subianto responded by <a href="https://www.abs-cbn.com/news/world/2025/9/1/indonesia-cuts-lawmaker-perks-as-president-tries-to-quell-protests-0001">paring back privileges for politicians</a> and making a sweeping reshuffle that ousted the austere, business-friendly Finance Minister Sri Mulyani Indrawati and other top officials.</p><p>The wave then reached Timor-Leste, one of Asia&#x27;s poorest countries, which witnessed several days of student-led rallies outside parliament in late September, denouncing plans to buy new vehicles for MPs and a law granting lifetime pensions to lawmakers.</p><p>The government caved to the protesters. MPs voted to scrap the pension law and shelved the car purchase, marking a rare and rapid concession to street pressure.</p><div><a href="https://www.abs-cbn.com/news/world/2025/9/10/gen-z-movement-nepal-protesters-set-parliament-ablaze-as-pm-quits-1000"><strong>Gen Z movement: Nepal protesters set parliament ablaze as PM quits<br/></strong></a></div><p>In the Philippines, thousands of mostly young protesters gathered in mid-September at Manila&#x27;s Rizal Park, rallying against some $1.8 billion (€1.56 billion) being lost to alleged corruption in bogus flood-relief projects.</p><div><br/></div><div><strong>Economic injustice, elite privilege core issues</strong></div><p>Given the vast participation of youths at these protests, they have earned the moniker of a &quot;Gen Z uprising,&quot; a reference to the people born roughly between 1997 and 2012.</p><p>However, although youths provided the catalytic energy and, crucially, the digital infrastructure, their core issues of economic injustice and elite privilege resonate across generations, according to PhD scholar at the Australian National University Gita Putri Damayana.</p><p>In both Indonesia and Nepal, union members, informal workers and older civil society networks joined marches once the initial student push broke the fear barrier.</p><p>The protests in Timor-Leste and Indonesia were more strongly driven by youth compared to those in the Philippines, though young people played an important role in all three movements, Bridget Welsh, an honorary research associate at the University of Nottingham&#x27;s Asia Research Institute Malaysia, told DW.</p><p>This isn&#x27;t a wholly new phenomenon. Thailand&#x27;s nationwide youth-led protests in 2020-21 challenged establishment power, with calls for reforms even to the monarchy.</p><p>However, this movement did not usher in structural change, and once the protests reached a point of threatening the security of the government, &quot;the Thai state was willing to employ different forms of violent repression to counter mobilization,&quot; Mark Cogan, an associate professor of peace and conflict studies at Kansai Gaidai University in Osaka, told DW.</p><p>&quot;It is difficult to envision any repeat of what has transpired in Nepal anywhere in Southeast Asia,&quot; he added.</p><p>The recent protests also differ from historic upheavals like the popular uprisings that toppled past authoritarian leaders of Indonesia and the Philippines, said Damayana.</p><p>They were &quot;not focused on an immediate overthrow of the entire government, but rather on demanding systemic accountability and better governance within existing political structures,&quot; she noted.</p><div><a href="https://www.abs-cbn.com/news/nation/2025/9/28/wrap-dozens-still-in-detention-a-week-since-massive-anti-corruption-protests-2100"><strong>Dozens still in detention a week since massive anti-corruption protests<br/></strong></a></div><div><strong><br/></strong></div><div><strong>Will the region witness more Gen Z uprisings?</strong></div><p>Governments across Southeast Asia are now on notice that conspicuous privilege is combustible, analysts said.</p><p>Yet, the incentives to backslide remain strong, and in countries facing democratic erosion, such as Indonesia and the Philippines, officials are already framing youth actions as &quot;riots,&quot; &quot;anarchic,&quot; or even &quot;foreign-funded,&quot; a familiar playbook to delegitimize dissent.</p><p>The harder test will be turning street power into slow, technical reform. That means campaigning for credible election rules, strengthening anti-corruption bodies, and writing detailed laws — unglamorous work that rarely trends on TikTok.</p><p>&quot;The energy needed to embed accountability in institutions is immense — and the process is easily captured or diluted by the same elites the movements seek to restrain,&quot; Damayana said.</p><p>Still, experts say mounting political and economic grievances are likely to fuel more youth-led protest movements in the region.</p><p>Thailand, mired in political crisis since March, is expected to hold fresh elections before the year&#x27;s end.</p><p>The youth-focused Move Forward party won the last ballot but was denied the opportunity to form a government by establishment parties and was later dissolved by the Constitutional Court on flimsy charges.</p><p>It has since regrouped as the People&#x27;s Party, which remains popular. If it were to win the next election and face similar obstacles to forming the next government, young Thais could respond with hostility.</p><p>In a world where youth are constantly in close contact via social media and news spreads like wildfire, no one should be surprised that successful Gen Z protests in one country will encourage similar protests in other countries, said Robertson.</p><p>&quot;This is a positive development for wider accountability and equality that is long overdue, and ideally it will continue to spread to end more autocrats&#x27; looting of state resources and human rights abuses,&quot; he added.</p><div><br/></div><div><em>Edited by: Srinivas Mazumdaru</em></div>

<p>Young people across South and Southeast Asia have grown up online, frustrated and impatient with their leaders. As jobs dry up and inequality widens, their protests are shaking even the most entrenched political systems.</p>

Young people across South and Southeast Asia have grown up online, frustrated and impatient with their leaders. As jobs dry up and inequality widens, their protests are shaking even the most entrenched political systems.

Gen Z protests: Why are Asia's youth so angry?

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Gen Z protests: Why are Asia's youth so angry?

Deutsche Welle

Published Oct 16, 2025 02:35 AM PHT

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